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    Home » Trump’s second coming: Challenging global order and American democracy, by Zainab Suleiman Okino 
    Columnists

    Trump’s second coming: Challenging global order and American democracy, by Zainab Suleiman Okino 

    EditorBy EditorJanuary 24, 2025No Comments8 Mins Read
    Zainab Suleiman Okino

    By Zainab Suleiman Okino

    In February 2017, an earlier analysis critically examined the erosion of American democratic principles under Donald Trump’s initial presidency, highlighting the systematic dismantling of diversity and civil liberties. The original critique centred on Trump’s controversial policies—notably the travel ban targeting specific nationalities and the proposed border wall intended to exclude Mexican immigrants.

    During his first term, Trump’s agenda was constrained by institutional checks and political opposition. On return to power, he appears poised to pursue an even more aggressive nationalist agenda, seeking to implement his seeming transformative vision. This updated analysis explores the continuing evolution of Trump’s political ideology and its potential disruption for American democratic institutions and global geopolitical dynamics. Below are my perspectives on his current and old policy initiatives.

    In his return to the political stage, Donald Trump continues to employ far-reaching rhetoric and controversial policies that risk alienating international allies and exacerbating global tensions. His approach seems characterised by an isolationist agenda that prioritises an aggressive, unilateral vision of American power.

    Trump’s executive orders and policy initiatives demonstrate a pattern of diplomatic disengagement and nationalist posturing. Withdrawing from international organisations like the World Health Organisation and the Paris Climate Accord, proposing controversial measures such as annexing Greenland, engaging in trade conflicts with China and Canada, and contemplating provocative actions like renaming the Gulf of Mexico reflect a worldview that prioritises American dominance over collaborative international relationships.

    The underlying philosophy appears to be a narrow interpretation of patriotism that equates national strength with aggressive and confrontational strategies. However, this approach potentially undermines America’s global influence by creating diplomatic rifts and reducing multilateral cooperation. Particularly concerning is Trump’s simultaneous withdrawal from global platforms while attempting to position the United States as a global arbiter.

    Climate change provides a stark example of this contradictory approach. Despite devastating wildfires in regions like Los Angeles demonstrating the urgent need for environmental action, Trump’s administration has consistently downplayed climate challenges, prioritising short-term economic interests over long-term global sustainability.

    Domestically, Trump’s policies have deepened societal divisions. His stance on immigration, LGBTQ+ rights, healthcare, and social welfare reveals a far-right ideology that marginalises vulnerable populations. The irony is profound: in a nation fundamentally built by immigrants, Trump’s rhetoric seeks to restrict and criminalise immigration, overlooking the crucial contributions of immigrant communities to America’s economic and cultural landscape.

    The economic vision accompanying these policies seemingly benefits wealthy elites while offering little substantive support to working-class Americans. Millions remain vulnerable to poverty, unemployment, and social instability, a reality that starkly contrasts with the prosperous image Trump and his supporters project.

    Trump’s political resurgence represents more than a personal comeback; it symbolises a significant challenge to democratic norms and global cooperation. His approach threatens to transform America’s international role from a collaborative leader to an isolated and antagonistic power. With 18 states (in the US) already challenging some of his proposed policies, including birthright citizenship, the political landscape remains deeply contentious.

    The fundamental challenge lies in reconciling Trump’s vision of American greatness with the complex, interconnected nature of the contemporary global system. His strategy of subduing rather than engaging with global challenges may ultimately prove counterproductive, potentially weakening rather than strengthening American influence on the world stage.

    The making of democratic dictatorship

    Though awkwardly applied, there is a form of dictatorship embedded in the American brand of democracy. In one fell swoop, with a stroke of a signature, America’s less than two week old President Donald Trump has put the whole world on high alert, pitting civilizations against one another; a throwback to the world’s ugly past—the Crusades, the Renaissance, the Americans’ migration to the New World to escape oppression in Europe, their own violent suppression of indigenous Red Indians, World War II,  the persecution of Jews in some parts of Europe leading to the holocaust in Nazi  Germany, and their (Jews)own continued colonisation of the Palestinian people. This is an unfortunate throwback to the era of brute force and might is right phenomenon. The executive order without recourse to the legislature, allowed by the US constitution in a president’s first month in office confers enormous powers on the president. Power comes with responsibility, and I wonder if Trump is taking cognisance of that.

    Trump had on Friday signed an executive order banning persons from seven Muslim majority countries—Libya, Somalia, Iraq, Iran, Yemen, Libya and refugees from American soil. The backlash has been devastating. Travelers were left high and dry, some arrested, and families were trapped in the mix, as spouses are unable to return to loved ones. Students, visitors and green card holders were blocked at airports in US, Istanbul, Cairo and Dubai and had to return “home”.

    Suddenly the world’s number one salesman and importer of democratic ethos, the US is questioning its source of strength—diversity and civil liberties.  It was a choice they made and so should live with it. Significantly, there is nothing wrong or new in the ban; the only snag is in the timing and manner of its execution and the fact that this appears more discriminatory and deliberately skewed against Muslims in America and those abroad. Over the years the US had pretended about its image as a land of liberty that held promises for all and where all dreams can become reality. People, including criminally minded ones, took advantage of this liberal posture, no doubt.

    Then came the Trump presidency. The President made his own choice of ‘rogue states’ sentimentally.  He left out countries like Saudi Arabia, Egypt and UAE where the business interests of the US and their citizens are domiciled and must be protected. Trump’s harsh policies are however not directed to some Muslim countries alone. He has been up in arms against Mexico in a grand plan to build almost two mile-wall to bar Mexicans from the US.  His spat with the President of Mexico, Enrique Pena Nieto has created the most disturbing rift in the history of US-Mexico relations.

    Trump is a bull in a China shop, and he is unstoppable. Very soon it will be the turn of people of African descent and Cubans. This class of Nigerians reminds me of the oft-quoted German priest, Martin Niemoller, who was opposed to the Nazi regime: “First they came for the Socialists, and I did not speak out because I was not a Socialist. Then they came for the Trade Unionist, and I did not speak out because I was not a Trade Unionist. Then they came for Jews, and I did not speak out because I was not a Jew. Then they came for me—and there was no one left to speak for me,” warning that people should not be complicit through their conspiracy of silence.

    While we blame Trump for his brazen act, the Muslim world should do some introspection. What are they doing to contain all the proxy wars being fought in their countries leading to a highturn-over of refugees? The Arab countries’ ruling class needs the US as a bulwark against their draconian regime and possible ouster. Any wonder then that with all their oil money and splendour, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Kuwait, Egypt are not magnanimous enough to take in refugees from war-torn Syria and Yemen. Therefore, blaming Trump is not enough. Arabs, Muslims and blacks should be ready to help themselves instead of seeking for sanctuaries in the US.

    There have been rallies and protests in at least 30 US cities.  Considering the chaos and human misery at airports all over the US, the outpouring of emotions is understandable. To the protesters, here are the plain truths. Trump never minced words when he made Immigration, anti-Muslims, anti-Mexican and border issues his campaign issues, yet he won the hearts of Americans who voted for him. Now he’s fulfilling his campaign promise; did they expect any less?

    Why did these same protesters not campaign vigorously and vote for the candidate of their choice? In a way, America’s brand of democracy is a dictatorship of the minority; what with executive orders and popular votes versus Electoral College which guaranteed the victory of George W. Bush over Al Gore in 2001 and lately Donald Trump over Hillary Clinton. So, America may be a country of diverse cultural backgrounds; checks and balances might have helped their democracy to flourish, but there is equally something inherently authoritarian in the same system and which can be invoked anytime.

    From America first, mass deportation, racism to fascist tendencies, Trump appears to be rehashing Hitler’s Germany and thus taking America and indeed the world to their dark past.

    Zainab Suleiman Okino chairs Blueprint Editorial Board. She can be reached  via zainabokino@gmail.com

    Editor
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