By Promise Adiele
Recently, Nigeria’s political and social spaces were saturated with news, rumours, propaganda, and sundry narratives of multiple complexions about a botched coup d’état. Although the military hierarchy quickly released a statement assuring Nigerians that there was no coup, some military officers were arrested. Again, the military insisted that the officers’ arrest was not connected to any coup, but rather a routine disciplinary measure to maintain professionalism within the military. The cancelled October 1st Independence parade at Eagle Square in Abuja conveyed a feeling of unease within the presidency. The reason advanced by presidential media handlers that the parade was cancelled because Mr. President needed to attend to some urgent matters abroad was considered insipid and a lame half-truth by many people. Although the presidency attempted to put up a pretentious visage of unruffled carriage, the immediate sacking of all the Service Chiefs betrayed its apprehension and deep concerns about the coup rumours. Some people have argued that Mr. President’s reaction to the rumoured coup portrays a self-seeking, egocentric leader who did not think it was necessary to change the Service Chiefs after repeated cases of mass killing by terrorists, but only changed them because his safety was ostensibly at stake.
In this part of the world, our understanding of military coup d’état as the only major threat to democracy reveals a people, like the proverbial Ostrich that buries its head in the sand, ignoring the impending danger around. We understand that a coup is mainly carried out by military officers to overthrow an irresponsible, recalcitrant government. But other types of coups are equally antithetical to democratic culture. When military coup plotters fail, they are regarded as villains and ultimately face the brutal consequences. But when they succeed, they are celebrated as heroes and revolutionaries poised to deliver the people from the throes of the government’s rascality. If we expand the frontiers of our cognitive abilities and stretch the meaning of a coup further, we will know better. A coup, besides connoting a forced overthrow of a government by the military, also includes any activity that poses a threat to democracy, subverting the will of the people. From the preceding explanation of a coup, we can profitably argue that there are many types of coups besides military coups.
Talking about multiplicities and different kinds of coups, the muse reminds me of the legendary Fela Anikulapo Kuti and his celebrated track Yellow Fever and I quote “Different different fever na him dey. Different different fever na him dey. Malaria fever nko? (He dey!)
Jaundice fever nko? (He dey!) Hay fever nko? (He dey!) Influenza fever nko? (He dey!) Inflation fever nko? (He dey!) Freedom fever nko? (He dey!) Yellow fever nko? (He dey!) Na him dey bring the matter now he dey”. In the song, the late music genius uses fever as a metaphor to x-ray numerous physical, economic, psychological, and social ailments that confront the people. Fela’s songs are highly spiritual. By spiritual, I do not mean the excessive indulgences of mental ecstasy, sometimes rampant hallucination, rehashed by self-acclaimed, human holy of the holies in the practice of their trade. By spiritual, I refer to that capacity of art to penetrate the future and convey far-flung realities which ultimately define the procedure of collective existence of a people. As we have many types of Yellow Fever, we also have many types of coups. If we have many types of coups, it follows that we must pay attention to the other types besides military coups because they all override the will of the people. A coup should be primarily understood as a conspiracy that sabotages, destabilises or undermines the will of the people, whether by the military or civilians.
When military coup plotters succeed, they take over the government and we celebrate them. Also, when civilian coup plotters succeed by treacherously compromising the electoral process, they take over the government, imposing themselves on the people. However, while people celebrate successful military coups, they do not celebrate successful civilian coups that manipulate the electoral process to emerge as election winners. Indeed, there must be a reason for the difference between the two coup outcomes. When military officers plot coups and fail, they face the consequences, but when civilian coup plotters fail, they face no consequences. It is either that they are compensated with juicy government appointments or that they defect to the ruling party, where they are shielded from harm and public opprobrium. It reminds us of Charles Dickens’ A Tale of Two Cities, two different scenarios with different outcomes. Of course, the laws that govern military behaviour are different from the laws that govern civilian behaviour. But as far as coups are concerned, a serious government must harmonise the operating laws that govern the military and civilians. Coup is evil. Therefore, those who orchestrate it, military or civilian, must face ruthless consequences whether they succeed or fail.
During the 2023 election, a section of the political class systematically planned and executed coups against the people. They did it in various ways. While some submitted fake academic credentials to mislead and deceive the people, imposing themselves on INEC because they had the financial muscle to do so, others engineered chaos and premeditated violence to stop people from exercising their civic duties by freely voting for the candidate of their choice. Military coups require heavy financing. Civilian coups also inevitably require massive financial outlay to compromise the electoral process. During the 2023 election, politicians freely and openly displayed a level of financial roguery never seen anywhere in the world except perhaps in some South American countries where drug barons hold sway. It was an open display of crass monetary idiocy before the whole world. From the primaries, delegates were openly induced with hard currencies by corrupt civil coup plotters, while genuine, qualified contenders who had the money but refused to share or did not have the money lost out. The question is, why do we excuse or tolerate civilian coups but do not tolerate or excuse military coups? They are all evil and must receive the same reprehension.
The Nigerian judiciary proved to be the catalysing instrument for the execution of civilian coups against the people in 2023. A judicial coup is another kind of coup in Nigeria, but it does not receive as much attention as a military coup. Reports by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) revealed the Nigerian judiciary as the most corrupt public institution with the highest average bribe in 2023. Recall that 2023 was Nigeria’s year of elections and many elective positions were decided by the judiciary. The NBS is an agency of government and, therefore, could not have released statistics that would embarrass the government. The judicial coup against Nigerians in 2023 became institutionalised through a legitimising process, which saw the government openly boast and urge their electoral opponents to go to court. Thus, ‘go to court’ in Nigeria became a phrase that presupposed a predetermined outcome. Comedians and skit makers had a field day with the phrase ‘go to court’ because going to court became a fruitless exercise. Nigerian courts became echo-chambers where civilian coups were hatched and executed, ensuring that the collective will of the people was buried forever. “Different different fever na him dey! Different different coup na him dey”!
All kinds of coups must be condemned, no matter the category of people behind the execution. Let us be honest – coup na coup. To submit fake credentials to INEC before an election presupposes a determination to manipulate the process. It is a coup against the people, maintained and sustained by a coterie of desperate politicians who want to impose themselves on the people. To threaten people and stop them from voting during elections, to violate the electoral process and undermine the wishes of the people through obnoxious behaviour, to bribe and induce electoral officers to favour certain candidates are all coups against democracy. During military coups, people die. During civilian coups, people also die. Military coups take place in the early hours. In 2023, election results and the declaration of winners also took place in the early hours. These parallels are not mere coincidence. Our condemnation of coups must not be restricted to the military hierarchies. It must also extend to civilian coups against established democratic norms. Democracy thrives when the will of the people is guaranteed through open, unrestricted, free, and fair elections. Any activity, whether by the military or civilians, that subverts the will of the people is a coup and must be collectively condemned. To condemn a military coup and accept a civilian coup because it favours us one way or another is to wallow in double-speak and enthrone a duplicitous culture, which comeuppance we will inexorably partake.
Dr. Promise Adiele is of the Mountain Top University and can be reached via: promee01@yahoo.com; X: @drpee4
