By Kolawole Ogunbiyi
Democracy is not measured solely by periodic elections, but by the extent to which governance delivers tangible dividends to citizens especially the most vulnerable. These dividends include access to education, social protection, security, inclusion, and opportunities for human development. In Nigeria, however, democratic governance has largely failed to translate into meaningful social inclusion for one of the most visible yet neglected populations: the Almajiris.
Across cities and rural communities, thousands of almajiris roam streets, markets, motor parks, and neighbourhoods, surviving through begging and menial activities. Their continued neglect reflects deep governance deficits and poses growing risks, as this vulnerable group becomes increasingly susceptible to political manipulation, hooliganism, and civil unrest.
In theory, democratic governance prioritises equity, accountability, and social justice. The 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended) clearly outlines the social purpose of governance. Section 14(2)(b) provides that “the security and welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of government.” Additionally, Section 17(3)(f) mandates the state to protect children against moral and material neglect. Yet, in practice, governance across much of northern Nigeria remains elite-centred, with limited commitment to long-term social investment.
Budgetary allocations to education, child welfare, and social protection remain inadequate, while policy implementation is weak. This failure is evident in the constant presence of almajiri around government houses, Government Reserved Areas (GRAs) and other government institutions on a daily basis. Programmes introduced to integrate almajiri education into the formal school system have suffered abandonment, politicisation, and poor sustainability. Consequently, democracy has delivered uneven dividends, reinforcing inequality and systemic exclusion.
The almajiri system originated as a respected Islamic educational tradition focused on Qur’anic learning, discipline, and moral upbringing. Historically, families and communities supported the welfare of children within this system. However, economic hardship, population growth, and weak state oversight have transformed it into a structure of mass child neglect. Estimates place the almajiri population at over 10 million, exceeding the combined populations of Ekiti, Kwara, and Taraba States.
This situation persists despite Nigeria’s clear legal obligations. The Universal Basic Education (UBE) Act, 2004 guarantees every Nigerian child free, compulsory, and universal basic education. Similarly, the Child Rights Act (CRA), 2003 affirms a child’s right to survival, development, dignity, education, and protection from exploitation and abuse. Unfortunately, enforcement remains weak in many northern states. Several states have failed to domesticate the Child Rights Act, and where domesticated, implementation is often diluted or symbolic.
My frequent visits to states in the North-West and North-East reveal a consistent pattern: almajiri congregating at major intersections, motor parks, and markets; moving from house to house in residential communities; and sleeping in abandoned or poorly maintained structures. These realities stand in direct contradiction to Nigeria’s legal commitments under both domestic and international law.
Beyond national legislation, Nigeria is a signatory to international instruments such as the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) and the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child, both of which obligate the state to ensure access to education, protection from neglect, and the best interests of the child as a primary consideration in all actions affecting them.
Despite their visibility, almajiri remain largely invisible in policy planning. Facilities originally designed to integrate Qur’anic and formal education have been abandoned or repurposed. Reforms are often announced but rarely sustained, reflecting a pattern of short-term political responses rather than structural solutions.
This contradiction, high visibility and low policy priority highlights a fundamental governance failure. Almajiri are tolerated as a social reality but ignored as a development concern. They are human beings, entitled to the same constitutional protections as the children of policymakers who send their own children abroad for quality education and prepare them for future employment. Almajiris did not choose their circumstances; they were born into a system that failed to uphold their rights.
One of the most dangerous consequences of almajiri neglect is their growing vulnerability to political manipulation. Poverty, hunger, lack of education, and social exclusion create conditions in which children and youth can easily be mobilised for destructive purposes. Beyond the influx of bandits from neighbouring countries, almajiris are particularly susceptible to radicalisation by violent extremist groups. They can be deployed as political thugs during elections for crowd disruption, voter intimidation, and street violence or mobilised for protests and riots without understanding the political stakes involved.
Political actors exploit their desperation, offering small sums of money, food, or protection in exchange for participation in violence. This practice violates both the spirit and letter of Nigeria’s electoral and criminal laws, while eroding democratic norms and public safety. In a region already battling banditry, kidnapping, and communal conflict, the failure to address almajiri welfare may directly fuels insecurity.
When democracy fails to deliver social dividends, citizens, especially the poor, lose faith in state institutions. For many almajiris, democracy is an abstract concept, disconnected from their daily struggle for survival. This disconnects breeds alienation, normalises violence as a survival strategy, and increases vulnerability to anti-democratic forces.
Neglecting almajiris is therefore not only a moral failure but a constitutional and strategic failure that weakens democracy itself.
It is imperative that the current administration confronts this challenge decisively, particularly as Nigeria undertakes broader security reforms. Almajiris can become assets rather than liabilities to democratic governance if properly integrated. Comprehensive education reform is essential—combining formal education, skills acquisition, and basic civic education with Qur’anic instruction.
The school feeding programme introduced under the previous administration provides a viable entry point. As the current administration represents policy continuity, this programme should be expanded to include almajiris, thereby improving enrolment, retention, and learning outcomes. Such integration would also enhance oversight by the Ministry of Education, reducing children’s exposure to street life and limiting their recruitment by political actors and violent groups.
With the 2027 general elections approaching, the time for action is now. Failure to address the almajiri question risks entrenching insecurity, violating constitutional obligations, and sacrificing yet another generation to neglect and political instrumentalisation.
Kolawole Ogunbiyi can be reached via ogunbiyikolawole@gmail.com
