By Osmund Agbo
A fortnight ago while embarking on a condolence visit with a friend who lost his brother, I got sucked into a heated exchange with a couple of friends. Our commute took us to the old road that passes through the iconic Enugwu Ngwo Milken hill. That was the first time in almost three decades that I plied that route. It used to be a death valley that had cut down so many in their primes and upended the lives of a good number of families. Today, the road is neatly paved with needed guardrails, painstakingly installed in what is one of Enugu’s most challenging terrains. I had made the fatal mistake of commending the current administration for solving that one problem when my friends would rather me chorus in the cacophony that condemns every action of a sitting Governor, good or bad.
But there is a background here; we all were coming from a place of relative bias. In my own case, I was seen as one of the Governor’s cheerleaders, ready to defend him at all cost while I viewed my friends as Jews who will never see anything good in the Gentile. For me, they acted similar to the way the North saw President Jonathan even when his government invested in the area more than anywhere else in the country. No matter what he did, he was seen as a usurper of the throne who emptied out the treasury to develop the South-south and benefit his people. Anyone from “Nsukka” would have benefited immensely from Ugwuanyi’s life-changing administration and should therefore be prepared to leave the stage to make way for others. But we know that nothing could be further from the truth.
Of course, the defense I mounted was spirited but I also knew that my friends were echoing a sentiment that has become so commonplace in Enugu State today. John C Maxwell defined a leader as “one who knows the way, goes the way and shows the way.” It’s difficult to figure out where Ugwuanyi stands in Maxwell’s definition. Sadly enough, the popularity of the Gburugburu brand before he took ownership of the Lion Building in 2015 could only be rivaled by his unpopularity today. But I digress.
Asking an average Enugu man from Udi, Eziagu or Nkanu what his understanding of what constitutes “Ndi-Nsukka,” is akin to testing a white man’s knowledge about Africa. Some without a shred of doubt have a fairly decent idea that at least African is neither a country nor a tribal group. But most may be surprised to learn that you have no idea who Mwamba, the very nice tour guide he met years ago while on a trip to Tanzania is. You are simply supposed to know your African brother and that’s how it works. This is a very sad reality with disastrous economic and political implications to “Nsukka” people. But in all fairness, some of the misconceptions are totally born out of ignorance and not just a deliberate attempt at mischief.
When someone identifies as an Nsukka man, it may just mean that he was part of the old Nsukka within the defunct five zonal structures that made up the old Anambra State. For the records, it does not expressly indicate that such person is from Nsukka as a local council unit or Nsukka town as one of 402 autonomous communities that constitute the present Enugu State. This distinction is very important since many are surprisingly unaware. Now to add to the confusion, there are those that continue to be lumped together with “Nsukka” just by virtue of having belonged in the aforementioned old Anambra senatorial arrangement. This is where the unfortunate case of Isi-uzo, in today’s Enugu East Senatorial District comes in.
Besides the very poor understanding of the aforementioned nuances of what one has to concede is an ambiguous nomenclature, it appears there is also a clear attempt in some quarters to obfuscate and make the space look smaller for political reasons. This amounts to ignoring the huge population of people residing in the geographical space loosely lumped together as just Nsukka.
To put it in context, the old Nsukka zone had the same status as the old Enugu zone. Both were part of a five-zonal structure comprising Enugu, Nsukka, Awka, Onitsha and Abakaliki in the old Anambra State. Today that same Enugu zone is now split in half into Enugu East and West senatorial districts with eleven local council areas within her borders whereas the old Nsukka zone still remains one senatorial district with only six council areas. In what looks like a sham attempt to placate, Isi-uzo was carved out to join with the old Enugu. The old Enugu zone with roughly the same population as the old Nsukka zone would have to produce two governors before Nsukka can produce one in the current zoning arrangement. Of course that was possible because those who mattered at the time were all from the old Enugu zone. We are a people with a warped sense of justice and fairness, enmeshed in the most primitive politics of prebendalism.
You can now begin to appreciate how the problem was compounded for a people who starting out were already a whole generation behind in terms of economic development. Which is why the loud cry of marginalization that gave birth to Enugu State in 1991 still echoes loudly today for the creation of Adada State.
In governor Ugwuanyi’s first inaugural speech, he rightly identified the huge lopsidedness in development of Enugu State to the disadvantage of the Nsukka area. He made it pretty clear that he would seek to address those. Up until now, there is nothing to suggest he has done that in terms of political appointment and allocation of infrastructural projects. On the contrary, some are pushing that Isi-Uzo that is now part of Enugu East should be excluded from occupying the highest political office in the state when it’s the turn of the zone, for having been part of the old Nsukka structure. And the Governor from what we hear, is paying them serious mind. What that means is that the people of Isi-Uzo in Enugu East have now practically become political hermaphrodites in Enugu State, belonging to all but having none. Most unfortunately, the only person who to an extent could right that wrong doesn’t seem to care. Where is the fairness? Where is equity? What has become of Justice?
In 2010 when Professor Denchrist Onah, an indigene of Isi-Uzo Local Council Area of Enugu State, sought to become the Vice Chancellor of the Enugu State University (ESUT), he was asked to ditch the idea completely. Why? He has to respect a previously agreed upon zonal arrangement; it was the turn of Enugu North Senatorial District for which he doesn’t belong. Fair enough. But one thing was clear; everyone agreed that his candidacy was pretty strong. He then bided his time. Fast forward five years later, in 2015 when Gov. Chime’s foot was at the door and it became the turn of Enugu East. Prof. quickly re-applied and at the end of the day, emerged the overall best in the interview for the job. He was even announced as ESUT VC designate. But that was not to be. A Grinch stole it right from his hand following an overnight meeting of Enugu power brokers. They had succeeded in convincing Gov. Chime why Prof. Onah shouldn’t be given the position because, even though he is politically Enugu East, he is culturally Enugu North from the old Nsukka zone. A great man was trapped in the ping-pong game and ESUT lost a rare gem that was prepared and ready to take the institution to the next level.
We are not here to suggest any form of favoritism to the benefit of one region of the state over the other. Not at all. On the contrary, we are against that which directly or indirectly erects a glass ceiling and discriminates against a large swath of our population. Enugu needs to carry all her citizens along the path of inclusion and development as well as put our best foot forward if we plan to break through the shackles of under-development.
One of the biggest criticisms against Governor Ugwuanyi is that he operates a government run by oligarchs. It’s been alleged that most of his decisions are often not always dictated by what is in the interest of the generality of the people as it is about what these oligarchs want. This was the case with the botched welfare package that his government pushed to benefit the ex-Governors sometime ago, and many others. For someone with a modest family background who is a product of opportunity, it’s very bewildering that you hardly see a breakout person make his cabinet. Most often than not, you have to be the son or daughter of a big name or recommended by them to serve in his government. Yes, we get the part about the politics of survival but that shouldn’t be all that it’s about.
Once upon a time, a little known young man made a date with history. In 2003, he was elected (insert selected) to represent Igbo Eze-North/Udenu Federal Constituency in Nigeria’s green chambers. Before then, however, he had already done some insurance work as well as cut his political teeth as the President of a local Rotary Club. Fast forward years later, his light shone even brighter when, just like former governor Chimaraoke Nnamani picked him up from a place of relative obscurity, Sullivan Chime crowned him the governor in waiting, well ahead of the 2015 governorship election. Now that it’s his turn to hand over the baton, the prayer is that he listens to the voice of reason and shows the courage to do the right thing.
Dr. Agbo, a public affairs analyst is the coordinator of African Center for Transparency and Convener of Save Nigeria Project. Email: Eagleosmund@yahoo.com
